The work pictured at left is the first of a two volume grammar of Latin combining general didactic info with historical comparative detail in smaller print. Volume 2 (1918) covers syntax. A third volume to cover prosody and stylistics was promised but apparently never produced. The author Eduardo García de Diego was a student of the great Hispanist Ramón Menendez Pidal (1869-1968!) to whom this volume is dedicated. He was also an editor of the Latin glossaries from the monastery of Silos (1934). The book is only found in this hemisphere at Stanford and UC Berkeley. The degree of detail is average; the layout attractive.
Sunday, February 14, 2010
Saturday, February 13, 2010
Old Italian fie, fieno
On pg. 525 I say that erō is the only Latin future to survive into Romance in OFr. ier, OOc. er, and Sp. 2nd sg. pres. eres. But this is not correct. The Latin future of fiō, fiam, fiēs etc. did survive into Old Italian, and beyond as an archaism as an alternative future for essere 'to be'. The expected forms should have had an alternation between an a proper to the first singular and an e proper to all the other persons. However, the a allomorph was generalized to the other persons pretty early. Here are some examples:
3rd sg. fie: (Albertan. cap. 22): dopo me avrò erede lo quale io non so s'egli fie savio ovvero stolto, e fie signore del mio acquisto, e delli miei beni.
3rd sg. fia (Vita dei santi. padri. (S. Antonio, Abate, pag. 25): allora certo fia diritta l'anima nostra, quando la naturale sua integritade non sia maculata da peccato.
3rd pl. fien(o) (Petr. Canz. 127.4): Quai fien ultime, lasso, e qua' fien prime?
3rd pl. fian(o) (Tass. Ger. 20.16): Fian per lo piu senza vigor, senz'arte.
Friday, February 12, 2010
Numasioi Vindicated

On pg. 23 n. 2 I mention Hartmann's vindication of the genuineness of the Praenestine fibula and its inscription. This famous inscription (MANIOS MED FHE:FHAKED NVMASIOI), if genuine, would be our single oldest piece of Latin. Hartmann—to the extent that I am qualified to judge—seems to make a good case that the scientific testing supposedly proving the falsity of the document was flawed or inconclusive, but the form NVMASIOI still seemed a bit of a problem. Numasios would appear to be the ancestor of praenomen Numerius, but Numerius if related to numerus 'number' should go back to *numesios vel. sim. So either (1) Numasios is not the ancestor of Numerius, (2) Numerius has nothing to do with numerus, or (3) the fibula is a fake. Possibilities (1) and (2) are perfectly plausible, so no strong argument against the genuineness of the inscription can be drawn from the form NVMASIOI, but recent developments have put to rest any doubts about this name.
Through the kindness of Rex Wallace I've been informed about a recently published archaic Etruscan inscription on an aryballos from the "area ceretana" bearing the inscription (Poetto and Facchetti 2009:369):
mi mlac mlakas larθus elaivana araθia numasianas
‘io (sono) il buon/bel (vaso) oleario di Araθ Numasiana per il buon Larθu’.
The form numasianas supports Numasios and makes it certain that Numasios is unconnected with numerus.
Poetto, Massimo and Giulio Facchetti, 2009. L’aryballos di Araθ Numasiana. Oebalus 4:365-384.
Thursday, February 11, 2010
Quantity of Vowels Before Final -M
On pg. 125, fn. 2 and fn. 50 I discuss the much-debated question of the length of vowels before final -m in Classical Latin. The conclusion I reach there is that it is very difficult to determine anything about the quantity of these vowels for the Classical period. However, there are two additional arguments bearing on this question that I would like to mention. First, in favor of lenghthening of vowels before final -m Safarewicz 1935 notes that metrical inscriptions sometimes require a long scansion for a vowel before underlying final -m even when that m is omitted in the orthography, e.g. CIL 4.6892: Quisquis amat nigra nigris carbonibus ardet;
nigra cum video mora libenter aedo.
Whoever loves a dark-skinned girl burns on dark coals.
When I see a dark-skinned girl, I gladly eat blackberries.
(at least that is one possible interpretation; see Varone 2002:57 for other suggestions)
In the pentameter nigra(m) must scan as a spondee and Safarewicz argues that this shows that it was the vowel itself that was bimoraic. But I'm not sure this is conclusive especially since there are also metrical inscriptions which treat the vowel with unindicated -m as short, e.g. CIL 6.1975:
quae tibi crescenti rapuit iuvenile figuram
where the e of iuvenile(m) is the first short of the 5th dactyl. See Fink 1969:448 for more examples.
In favor of a short scansion the always incisive Enrico Campanile 1973 made two observations. First in Latin loanwords into Brittonic sequences of final -um do not behave like -ō or -ū in that they do not trigger vowel affection of the preceding vowel. Second, it is a well established fact that Latin hexametric poets of the Classical period avoided elision of cretic sequences. The exceptions in Vergil involve final -ō in 3rd declension n-stem nominative singulars (Ecl. 3.84 Pollio amat nostrum quamvis est rustica Musam) and the 1st sg. ending -ō (Aen. 11.503 Audeo et Aeneadum promitto occurrere turmae). But these exceptions are only apparent since it is very probable that these vowels were for Vergil synchroncically short as a result of so-called cretic shortening. When it comes to vowels before final -m in words whose preceding two syllables form a trochee, Vergil has no compunction about eliding the final syllable, e.g. Aen. 2.667 Alterum in alterius mactatos sanguine cernam; Aen. 4.387 Audiam et haec manis veniet mihi fama sub imos. This suggests that these were not cretic sequences and therefore that the vowel was short. I am inclined to agree with Campanile especially since this evidence agrees with Priscian's statement, and the fact that apices are never used on a vowel before final -m in inscriptions which use apices correctly.
Campanile, Enrico. 1973. Sulla quantità della vocale che precede -m in latino. Italia dialettale 36:1–6.
Fink, R. O. 1969. A long vowel befor final -m in Latin? American Journal of Philology 90:444–52.
Safarewicz, Jan. 1935. Les voyelles nasales en latin. In Atti del III congresso internazionale dei linguisti (Roma, 1933). Florence 176–9.
Varone, Antonio, 2002. Erotica pompeiana. Love inscriptions on the walls of Pompeii. Rome: Bretschneider.
Wednesday, February 10, 2010
Lesser-known Historical Grammars of Latin X and XI: Two from Napoli

The two grammars pictured on the left and the right were both produced in Naples by the same publishing outfit in consecutive years. The Sbordone volume is the 3rd edition published in 1964. The Cupaiuolo tome is from 1963 and specifically notes on the title page that the lectures contained therein were delivered to "gli studenti dell'Inst. Univ. "Orientale" di Napoli." F. Sbordone is known mainly as a papyrologist and editor of Greek texts. Fabio Cupaiuolo published a number of very useful bibliographical surveys on Latin grammar and metrics, which I give references for in my book, plus a book on Latin adverbs (Cupaiuolo 1967), which I didn't cite. The Sbordone book is really very barebones and sketchy. The one noteworthy feature is the the built-in selection of archaic inscriptions illustrating pre-classical norms. The Cupaiuolo book is a lot more detailed and devotes about 60 pages (about 20 percent of the book) to a discussion of the formation of adverbs, clearly a subject of special interest to Professore Cupaiuolo. How Libreria scientifica editrice was talked into publishing both these works virtually at the same time is a bit of a mystery!
Cupaiuolo, F. 1963. Lezioni di grammatica storica latina. Naples: Libreria scientifica editrice.
———. 1967. La formazione degli avverbi in latino. Naples: Libreria scientifica editrice.
Sbordone, F. 1964. Grammatica storica della lingua latina. Con appendice di testi epigrafici, 3rd edition. Naples: Libreria scientifica editrice.
Monday, February 8, 2010
New Tocharian A Resource
More on More on Proclitics
Another bit of evidence for the proclitic nature of prepositions is that a "word end" falling between a preposition and its object is not treated as a genuine word end by Bentley-Luchs's Law or Meyers Law. For example, Bentley-Luch's Law states that if in iambo-trochaic verse there is a word end after the final B the preceding A must be bimoraic, but Curc. 477 (tr7) shows that a sequence of a preposition plus object was permitted in this position:
confidentes, garrulique et malevoli supra lacum.
confidentes, garrulique et malevoli supra lacum.
B c D A B c D A b b c D a B c D
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