tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-67728800884786260992024-03-05T16:29:35.576-08:00OHCGL Addenda and CorrigendaMichael Weisshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00296754758111928693noreply@blogger.comBlogger217125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6772880088478626099.post-50641778315929102512022-03-18T04:54:00.002-07:002022-03-18T04:54:29.281-07:00New Posts now on Twitter<p> New addenda and corrigenda will now be tweeted at <a href="https://twitter.com/MWeissOHCGL">https://twitter.com/MWeissOHCGL</a> </p>Michael Weisshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00296754758111928693noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6772880088478626099.post-75648374306642793632021-01-26T14:24:00.000-08:002021-01-26T14:24:27.635-08:00Interchange of f- and h-<p> </p><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj13LUEc4U_Xw_qwsC7EbQ-ASzv4c84dbnBF6OeFYV4YxW2PjXpwk6Y5XimglUk82mimKhUU3XnNlTTSmry587AxwspLVGAt3mRDfjIJr7mXkG6QzugjTBnLOouMzlGd2481burcM7Zj38/s512/formiae.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="358" data-original-width="512" height="280" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj13LUEc4U_Xw_qwsC7EbQ-ASzv4c84dbnBF6OeFYV4YxW2PjXpwk6Y5XimglUk82mimKhUU3XnNlTTSmry587AxwspLVGAt3mRDfjIJr7mXkG6QzugjTBnLOouMzlGd2481burcM7Zj38/w400-h280/formiae.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Formiae = Hormiae = Formia in Southern Latium</td></tr></tbody></table><br />I thought a few more words could be said about the interchange of initial <i>f</i>- and <i>h-</i> which I cover on p. 505 of the 2nd edition. These paragraphs replace what I wrote there. <div><br /></div><div>G. There are a number of cases where we find initial <i>f</i> for expected <i>h</i> < *<i>ĝh/*gh</i> and also a few cases where we find initial <i>h</i> for expected <i>f</i> from *<i>dh</i> and *<i>bh</i>. (67) First, the case of <i>h</i> for <i>f</i>: </div><div><br /></div><div><i>horda</i> ‘pregnant cow’ Var. <i>R</i>. 2.5.6 whence the festival <i>Hordicidia</i> (Paul. <i>Fest</i>. p. 91 L) = <i>forda</i> (Var. <i>L</i>. 6.15, etc.) from the root *<i>bher</i>- ‘bear’.</div><div> </div><div><i>hanula parua delubra, quasi fanula</i> “A hanula is a small shrine, as it were, a fanula” (Paul. <i>Fest</i>. p. 91 L) < *<i>dhh1sno</i>- ‘shrine’. </div><div><br /></div><div><i>hebris</i> ‘fever’ (Serv. ad <i>Aen</i>. 7.695) = <i>febris</i> <*<i>dhegwhris</i>, and attributed to the <i>antiqui</i>. </div><div><br /></div><div><i>horctum et forctum pro bono dicebant </i>(Paul. <i>Fest</i>. p. 91 L; CGL 5.503,35 and 570,17). <i>horctus</i> and <i>forctus</i> are archaic <i>o</i>-stem variants for the standard <i>i</i>-stem form <i>fortis</i> ‘strong’. (68)</div><div><br /></div><div><i>haba</i> ‘bean’ = <i>faba</i> < *<i>bhabheh2</i>, cf. OCS <i>bobŭ</i> ‘bean’. Faliscan or used by the <i>antiqui</i>. (69) </div><div><br /></div><div>and then the cases of <i>f </i>for original <i>h</i>:</div><div><br /></div><div><i>fircus</i> ‘he-goat’ = <i>hircus</i> (“Sabine” or <i>antiqui</i>). </div><div><br /></div><div><i>fēdus</i> ‘goat’ = <i>haedus</i> (70) (“Sabine” or <i>antiqui</i>), cf. OE <i>gāt</i> ‘goat’. </div><div><br /></div><div><i>fasēna</i> ‘sand’ = <i>harēna</i> (71) (“Sabine”). </div><div><br /></div><div>The <i>h</i> for <i>f</i> cases are either unattributed or attributed to the <i>antiqui</i>. The <i>f</i> for <i>h</i> cases are attributed to “Sabine” to the <i>antiqui</i> or to Faliscan and in fact in Faliscan initial <i>f-</i> became <i>h</i>- in the Middle Faliscan period: </div><div><br /></div><div><i>hileo</i> ‘son’ (Bakkum 146) = <i>fīlius</i>. (72) </div><div><br /></div><div>and we also find hypercorrect <i>f</i> in Faliscan and in Praenestine: </div><div><br /></div><div><i>foied</i> ‘today’ (Bakkum 59) = <i>hodiē</i>. </div><div><i>fe</i> ‘here’ (Bakkum 56) = <i>hīc</i>. (73) </div><div>FERCLES = <i>Herc(u)lēs</i> (CIL 1.2.564, Praeneste). (74)</div><div><br /></div><div>We may infer that there were a number of dialects of Latin, including at least Faliscan, that weakened f to<i> h </i>in initial position and that a hypercorrective reaction led to the creation of forms with <i>f</i> for original <i>h</i>. (75) This confusion was well known and some examples are quite possibly artificial creations in the service of folk-etymological theorizing. (76) </div><div> _______________________________ </div><div>(67) See Hiersche 1965 for a collection and sifting of examples. </div><div><br /></div><div>(68) Elsewhere Paul. <i>Fest</i>. p. 74 L. defines f<i>orctes </i>as<i> frugi et bonus siue ualidus</i> and in a discussion of a tribal name of old Latium <i>Forctes</i> Festus p. 474 L comments <i>fortibus id est bonis</i>. This adjective is of uncertain etymology but the form with <i>f</i> is certainly old and has a cognate or was borrowed into Osc. <i>fortis</i> ‘stronger’ (TB 12).</div><div><br /></div><div>(69) Attributed to Faliscan by Terentius Scaurus (Keil 7.130): <i>utraque (</i>f and h)<i> enim ‹est› flatus; quare quem antiqui </i>fircum<i> nos </i>hircum<i> et quam Falisci </i>habam<i> nos </i>fabam<i> appellamus, et quem antiqui </i>fariolum<i> nos </i>hariolum. “For both (f and h) are aspirated; So what the ancients called <i>fircus</i> we call <i>hircus</i>, and what the Faliscans call <i>haba</i> we call <i>faba</i>, and what the ancients called <i>fariolus</i> we call <i>hariolus</i>.”</div><div><br /></div><div>(70) Var. <i>L</i>. 5.97: Hircus,<i> quod Sabini</i> fircus; <i>quod illic</i> fedus, in Latio rure hedus, <i>qui in urbe ut in multis A addito </i>haedus “<i>Hircus</i> ‘goat’ which the Sabines call <i>fircus</i>. What is there a <i>fedus</i>, in rural Latium a <i>hedus</i>, is in the city, as is the case with many words, <i>haedus</i> with an added A.” On the attribution of these forms to <br />Sabine see Burman 2017:40–6. </div><div><br /></div><div>(71) Var. apud Vel. Long. (Keil 7.69.8). The fuller passage reads: <i>ut testis est Varro a Sabinis </i>fasena<i> dicitur, et sicut </i>s<i> familiariter in </i>r<i> transit, ita </i>f<i> in uicinam adspirationem mutatur. similiter ergo et </i>haedos<i> dicimus cum aspiratione, quoniam </i>faedi<i> dicebantur apud antiquos; item </i>hircos<i>, quoniam eosdem aeque </i>fircos<i> uocabant. nam et e contrario quam antiqui </i>habam<i> dicebant nos </i>fabam<i> dicimus</i> ‘As Varro testifies, <i>fasena</i> is said by the Sabines [for <i>harena</i>] an just as s commonly becomes <i>r</i>, so f changes into the related aspiration. In a similar fashion therefore we say <i>haedos</i> with <i>h </i>since they used to be called <i>faedos</i> among the ancients. Further <i>hircos</i> since they used to likewise call these same <i>fircos</i>. And in the opposite way we call <i>fabam</i> what the ancients called <i>habam</i>. Other <i>f</i> for <i>h</i> examples without dialect attribution: <i>fordeum</i> ‘barley’ (Quint. 1.4.14) = <i>hordeum</i>, <i>folus</i> ‘vegetable’ = <i>holus</i>, <i>fostis</i> ‘enemy’ = <i>hostis</i>, <i>fostia</i> ‘victim’ = <i>hostia</i> (last three examples all attributed to the <i>antiqui</i> at Paul. <i>Fest</i>. p. 74 L). </div><div><br /></div><div>(72) See Joseph and Wallace 1991a:84–93.</div><div> <br />(73) Note that in Old Faliscan <i>f</i> (<b>far</b> ‘grain’ Bakkum 1, <b>fileo</b> ‘son’ Bakkum 471) and <i>h</i> (<b>huti[c]ilom </b>‘vase’ Bakkum 1 < *<i>ĝhuti</i>-) are kept distinct. </div><div><br /></div><div>(74) The letter transcribed with F is in fact a backwards digamma. Other apparent examples of <i>f</i> for <i>h</i> in Praenestine are found in FELENA= Helena (CIL 1.2.566), FORATIA = Horātia (CIL 1.2.166) and and FELIOD(ORUS) = Heliodorus (CIL 1.2.1446). </div><div><br /></div><div>(75) The confusion of <i>f</i> and <i>h</i> seems to have been limited to initial position. First, there is some reason to think that <i>h </i>was not pronounced at all in medial position even in the Classical period. Second, there are no good examples of such an interchange. The forms <i>trafere</i> for <i>trahere</i> and <i>uefere</i> for <i>uehere</i> sometimes cited in this connection come from the work of a certain Apuleius Minor, D<i>e nota aspirationis </i>p. 94 Osan. <i>trahere</i> <i>pro trafere</i> (attributed to Varro), p. 125<i> illi uefere Romani uehere protulerunt</i>. But this work dates to the 10th/11th century and the forms are probably worthless grammatical creations on the basis of the initial-position <i>f</i> ~ <i>h</i> uncertainty. </div><div><br /></div><div>(76) Servius ad <i>Aen</i>. 7.695 and Ovid <i>Fast</i>. 4.73-4 mention that eponym of the <i>Falisci</i> was <i>Hal(a)esus</i> which Servius explains as a case of the Faliscan change of <i>h</i> to f. (<i>Faliscos Halesus condidit. hi autem inmutato H in F, Falisci dicti sunt</i>). Here the knowledge of a real linguistic phenomenon licensed a connection between the name of the <i>Falisci</i> and an unrelated name, cf. the Sicilian town (H)alaesa (Strab. 6.2.5) on the river <i>(H)alaesus</i> (IG 14.352). The place name <i>Formiae</i> is said by Servius in the same passage to have originally been <i>Hormiae</i> and Hormiae is given as the original form of the name by Strabo 5.3.6 (Ὁρμίαι λεγόμενον πρότερον δία τὸ εὔορμον), Festus, p. 73 L (<i>oppidum appellatur ex Graeco, uelut Hormiae</i>) and Pliny the Elder, <i>Nat</i>. 3.59 (<i>Formiae, Hormiae prius dictae olim, sedes antiqua Lestrigonum</i>). This idea, which may go back to Varro, is probably inspired by etymological fantasy. The clearest case of an artificial form is <i>farreum</i> said by Festus p. 73 L to be an ancient form of <i>horreum</i> ‘granary’ which was evidently created to support an etymological connection with <i>far, farris</i> ‘spelt’. On the phenomenon of “reconstructed forms” in the discourse of Latin grammarians see Zair 2019. </div><div><br /></div><div><b>References</b></div><div><br /></div><div>Burman, Annie Cecilia. 2017. <i>De Lingua Sabina. A Reappraisal of the Sabine Glosses</i>. Ph.D. diss.
Cambridge University. </div><div>Hiersche, Rolf. 1965. “Der Wechsel zwischen anlautendem <i>f</i> und <i>h </i>im Lateinischen.” <i>Glotta</i> 43:103–18. </div><div>Zair, Nicholas. 2019. “Reconstructed forms in the Roman writers on language.” <i>Language &
History </i>62: 227–46.</div>Michael Weisshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00296754758111928693noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6772880088478626099.post-23039858226220286012020-05-12T08:45:00.000-07:002020-05-12T08:45:44.658-07:00Some Expansions on the Pronunciation of Final -m and the Initial Sequence uĭ-<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="background-color: #fff2cc;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Reading the excellent recent article by <a href="https://unizar.academia.edu/JavierUriaVarela">Javier Uría</a> "</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">The pronunciation of syllable Coda <i>m</i> in Classical Latin: a </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">reassessment of some evidence from Latin grammarians” in the </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> </span><a href="https://www.press.jhu.edu/journals/american-journal-philology"><i style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">American Journal of Philology</i><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> </span></a><span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">140:439–76</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">—and good on them for publishing an interesting technical piece like this!—I realized that some expansions and corrections are in place. The two issues that can be improved are the discussion of the pronunciation of final -<i>m,</i> which I treated rather sketchily, and the allophone of ĭ after initial u̯.</span></span></div>
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<b><span style="background-color: #fff2cc; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">p. 69 More on final -m<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="background-color: #fff2cc; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">My statement here about the pronunciation of -<i>m</i> is too simple. I wrote:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #fff2cc; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><i>m </i>was a labial nasal as in English. In final position, however, it was reduced to nasalization of the preceding vowel. Thus in Old Latin it often fails to be written: <span style="font-variant-caps: small-caps; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal;">honc oino ploirvme cosentiont r[omai] dvonoro optvmo fvise viro</span> (ILLRP 310, 3rd century bce)<sup>73</sup> for CL <i>hunc ūnum plūrimī cōnsentiunt Rōmae bonōrum optimum fuisse uirum </i>“Most people agree that this one man was the best of the nobles at Rome.” It also does not stand in the way of elision in verse when the next word begins with a vowel or <i>h</i>.<sup>74</sup><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #fff2cc; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">But this glosses over many details that should be mentioned. Replace with:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #fff2cc; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><i>m </i>was a labial nasal as in English. In word-final position -<i>m</i> evidently was rendered in various ways depending on its context. All of these renderings suggest that the -<i>m</i> was in some sense reduced. Thus in Old Latin it often fails to be written both before a vowel and before a consonant: <span style="font-variant-caps: small-caps; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal;">honc oino ploirvme cosentiont r[omai] dvonoro optvmo fvise viro</span> (ILLRP 310, 3rd century <span style="font-variant-caps: small-caps; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal;">bce</span>)<sup>73</sup> for CL <i>hunc ūnum plūrimī cōnsentiunt Rōmae bonōrum optimum fuisse uirum </i>“Most people agree that this one man was the best of the nobles at Rome.” But its phonetic realization is a matter of some dispute. Before a word beginning with a vowel or <i>h</i> it was probably reduced to nasalization, as is shown by its failure to block elision in verse<sup><span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial;">74</span></sup> and by various statements of the grammarians. For example, Quintilian (<i><span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial;">Inst</span></i><span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial;">. 9.4.40</span>) writes <i>eadem illa littera </i>(i.e. <i>m</i>) <i>. . . etiam si scribitur, tamen parum exprimitur, ut “multum ille” et “quantum erat,” adeo ut paene cuiusdam nouae litterae sonum reddat. neque enim eximitur, sed obscuratur</i>. “The same letter <i>m</i>, even if it is written, is hardly pronounced, as in <i>multum ille</i> and <i>quantum erat</i> so that it almost renders the sound of some new letter, nor is <i>m</i> removed, but it is darkened.” According to <span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial;">Annaeus Cornutus (apud Cassiodorum </span><span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial;">Keil 7. 147–148</span><span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial;">):</span> <i>igitur si duo uerba coniungantur, quorum prius “m” consonantem</i><i> </i><i>nouissimam habeat posteriusque a uocale incipiat, “m” consonans perscribitur quidem: ceterum in enuntiando durum et barbarum</i> <i>sonat</i>. “So if two words are connected the first of which has <i>m</i> as its last consonant and the later of which begins with a vowel, the consonant <i>m</i> is indeed written out but it sounds harsh and barbaric if it is actually pronounced.” <span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial;">Velius Longus also informs us that Verrius Flaccus suggested (Keil 7.80)</span> that only half a final -<i>m</i> should be written when the next word began with a vowel to show that this should not be pronounced: <i>sicut Verrius Flaccus, ut, ubicumque prima uox “m” littera finiretur, sequens a uocali inciperet, “m” non totam, sed pars illius prior tantum scriberetur, ut appareret exprimi non debere</i>. “[some], like Verrius Flaccus, [thought] that when the first word ended with the letter m and the following word began with a vowel, not the whole but only the first half of that letter should be written, so that it would be clear that it was not to be pronounced.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #fff2cc; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">But in preconsonantal position some evidence suggests that -<i>m</i> was assimilated to the place of a following stop. The passage from Cornutus quoted above continues <i>At si posterius uerbum quam libet consonantem habuerit uel uocalem loco positam consonantis, seruat “n” litterae sonum</i>. “But if the following word begins with any consonant or a vowel letter in consonantal function, the previous word preserves the sound of the letter <i>n</i>.” (see Uria 2019:447 for the emendation of <i>m</i> to <i>n</i><span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial;">). Caesellius Vindex (Keil 7.206</span>) paints a similar picture: “<i>M” litteram, ad uocales primo loco in uerbis positas si accesserit, non enuntiabimus; cum autem ad consonantes aut digammon Aeolicum, pro quo nos “u” loco consonantis posita utimur, tunc pro “m” littera “n” litterae sonum decentius efferemus.</i> “We will not pronounce the letter <i>m</i> if it is followed by word beginning with a vowel. But when it is followed by words beginning with a consonant or an Aeolic digamma for which we use <i>u</i> in consonantal function, then we will more correctly pronounce the sound of the letter <i>n</i> instead of <i>m</i>.” Assimilation is also attested epigraphically e.g. <span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; font-variant-caps: small-caps; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal;">tan</span><span style="font-variant-caps: small-caps; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal;"> dvrvm</span> <span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial;">CIL 4.1895</span>), <span style="font-variant-caps: small-caps; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal;">tan cito</span> (<span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial;">CIL 6.6182</span>, presumably with <i>n</i> spelling <i>ŋ</i>) and Cicero famously suggests that inadvertent double entendres could arise from <i>cum nos</i> ‘ when we’ (<i><span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial;">Fam</span></i><span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial;">. 9.22.2</span>) or <i>cum nobis</i> ‘with us’ <span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial;">(<i>Orat</i>. 154)</span> being pronounced as <i><span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial;">cunno(s</span></i><span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial;">)</span> and <i>illam dicam</i> ‘shall I that’ as <i>ill’ <span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial;">landicam</span></i> (<i>Fam</i>. 9.22.2).<sup><span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial;">75</span></sup><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #fff2cc; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;"><sup>74</sup> See the discussion at p. 145, n 52.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #fff2cc; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;"><sup>75</sup> On the pronunciation of final -<i>m</i> see Porzio Gernia 1974a and Uría 2019.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #fff2cc; color: windowtext;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">I realized today that I don’t have a discussion of the reconstruction of the sound values for Latin vowels parallel to the discussion for consonants in Chapter 7. Some of this info is incorporated into Chapter 8. One detail of pronunciation which I will add is the pronunciation of short <i>i</i> after <i>u̯</i>.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<b><span style="background-color: #fff2cc; color: #211d1e;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Add to C on page 72<o:p></o:p></span></span></b></div>
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<span style="background-color: #fff2cc; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="color: #211d1e;">A distinct issue from the <i>sonus medius</i> is the allophone of <i>i</i> after </span><i><span style="color: windowtext;">u̯</span></i><span style="color: windowtext;"> which a number of grammarians commented on. The 2<sup>nd</sup> century CE grammarian Velius Longus (Keil 7.54.13-5)</span><span style="color: #211d1e;"> noted </span><i><span style="color: windowtext;">Nam quibusdam litteris deficimus, quas tamen sonus enuntiationis</span></i><i><span style="color: #211d1e;"> </span></i><i><span style="color: windowtext;">arcessit, ut cum dicimus “uirtutem” et “uirum fortem consulem Scipionem”</span></i><i><span style="color: #211d1e;"> </span></i><i><span style="color: windowtext;">per “i” isse fere ad aures peregrinam litteram inuenies</span></i><span style="color: windowtext;">.</span><span style="color: #211d1e;"> </span><span style="color: windowtext;">[<i>per i isse</i> is an emendation of Di Napoli]</span><span style="color: #211d1e;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #fff2cc;"><span style="color: windowtext;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">“For we lack certain letters, which the sound of pronunciation nevertheless seeks, for example, when we say <i>uirtutem</i> and <i>uirum fortem consulem</i> <i>Scipionem</i>, you will find that through an<i> i</i> an almost foreign letter comes to the ear.” In another passage Velius clarifies (Keil 7.75) </span></span><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">the topic he has in mind: </span><i style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Unde fit ut saepe aliud scribamus, aliud enuntiemus, sicut supra locutus sum de “uiro” et “uirtute,” ubi “i” scribitur et paene “u” enuntiatur.</i><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> “So it happens that we often write one thing and pronounce another, as I mentioned above about </span><i style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">uir</i><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> and </span><i style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">uirtus</i><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> where an </span><i style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">i</i><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> is written an almost a </span><i style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">u</i><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> is pronounced.” Priscian (Keil 2.7) writes </span><i style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">et “i” quidem quando post “u” consonantem loco digamma functam Aeolici ponitur breuis, sequente “d”, uel “n”, uel “r”, uel “t”, uel “x”, sonum “y” Graecae uidetur habere, ut uideo, uim, uirtus, uitium, uix</i><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">. “And at least a short </span><i style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">i</i><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> when it is placed after a consonantal </span><i style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">u</i><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> serving in place of an Aeolic digamma, when a </span><i style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">d</i><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">, </span><i style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">n, r, t,</i><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> or </span><i style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">x</i><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> follows, appears to have the sound of a Greek </span><i style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">y</i><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">, as in </span><i style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">uideo, uim, uirtus, uitium, </i><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">and</span><i style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> uix</i><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">.” Spellings with </span><i style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">y</i><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> in this environment are found in inscription beginning in the 2</span><sup style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">nd</sup><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> century CE (<a href="http://www.edr-edr.it/edr_programmi/view_img.php?id_nr=115056">CIL 6.12405 </a></span><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; font-variant-caps: small-caps; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal;">unibyria</span><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> for </span><i style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">uniuiria </i><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">‘with one husband’) and the spellings <i>u</i></span><i style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">yr, uyrgo</i><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">, and <i>u</i></span><i style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">yrga</i><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> are stigmatized in the </span><i style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Appendix Probi</i><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> 120–2.</span><sup style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">fn</sup><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> Romance has no trace of anything but a short<i> i</i> in the reflexes of these words.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #fff2cc;"><sup><span style="color: windowtext;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">fn</span></span></sup><span style="color: windowtext;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Grammarians after Velius Longus including Priscian (Keil 2.7) and Diomedes (Keil 1.422) do lump the <i>sonus medius</i> and the <i>u</i><i>ir, uirtutem</i> issues together. See Uría 2019:444.</span><span style="font-family: "Charis SIL"; font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
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<b><span style="background-color: #fff2cc; color: #211d1e;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">p. 145, n. 52<o:p></o:p></span></span></b></div>
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<span style="background-color: #fff2cc;"><span style="color: #211d1e;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Eliminate the sentence<b> "</b></span></span><span style="color: #211d1e; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Velius Longus (Keil 7.54) considers the sound of final -</span><i style="color: #211d1e; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">m </i><span style="color: #211d1e; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">almost a foreign letter (</span><i style="color: #211d1e; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">fere…peregrinam litteram</i><span style="color: #211d1e; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">)." </span><span style="color: #211d1e; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">Uria 2019: 443–6 has shown that the passage does not refer to the pronunciation of final -</span><i style="color: #211d1e; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">m</i><span style="color: #211d1e; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> but instead to the allophonic rounding of </span><i style="color: #211d1e; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">i</i><span style="color: #211d1e; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> after a </span><i style="color: #211d1e; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">u̯</i><span style="color: #211d1e; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> illustrated by </span><i style="color: #211d1e; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">uirum</i><span style="color: #211d1e; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> and </span><i style="color: #211d1e; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">uirtutem.</i></span></div>
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Michael Weisshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00296754758111928693noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6772880088478626099.post-10405830717741323622020-04-28T15:55:00.001-07:002020-04-28T15:57:16.157-07:00Further Details on the Raising of *e and *o<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Reading the recent interesting article by Kanehiro Nishimura "The <i>humī</i> rule in Italic" in FS Vine (Vina Diem Celebrent, 2018, 276–87) has made me realize that my treatment of some issues relating to the raising of <i>e</i> and <i>o</i> in initial syllables can be improved. On p. 148 I A where I discuss the raising of <i>e</i> to <i>i</i> before a velar nasal add at the end:</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="color: #211d1e;">We have no direct evidence of pre-raising forms in the Latin record. The earliest epigraphic evidence for this change<b> </b></span>is the gentilic <span style="font-variant-caps: small-caps; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal;">qvinctio(s)</span> < *<i>kweŋktios</i> on one of the Egadi anchors (AE 2014:540, 264-1 <span style="font-variant-caps: small-caps; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal;">bce</span>). This change is presumably the same as that raising <i>o</i> to <i>u</i> in the same environment. See p. 151. So the actual sound change is: short mid vowels are raised to high vowels before a velar nasal.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">To the discussion of the raising of <i>e </i>to <i>i</i> before <i>mb</i> (I A 2) add a footnote to the example <i>limbus:</i></span></div>
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<span style="color: #211d1e;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">The form <i>lembum</i> in the meaning ‘zodiacal circle’ is transmitted at Var. <i>R</i>. 2.3.7 in the two chief witnesses to Varro’s work, the Codex Parisinus Latin 6842A [see image above] and in the now lost Codex Marcianus, as reported by Poliziano. It is possible that Varro was using a dialectal or archaic form.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #211d1e;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Add to end of example list:</span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #211d1e;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">*<i>nemb<sup>h</sup>os</i> ‘rain-cloud’ > Lat. <i>nimbus</i>, cf. MP <i>namb</i> ‘dew’</span></span></div>
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<i style="color: #211d1e; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">simbella</i><span style="color: #211d1e; font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"> ‘a coin worth half a </span><i style="color: #211d1e; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">lībella’</i><span style="color: #211d1e; font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"> (Var.) may perhaps be added but the names for Latin coin and measure series are notorious for irregular reductions (cf. </span><i style="color: #211d1e; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">dōdrāns</i><span style="color: #211d1e; font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"> ‘ three quarters’ from *</span><i style="color: #211d1e; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">dēquandrāns</i><span style="color: #211d1e; font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">) and the exact pathway from a putative *</span><i style="color: #211d1e; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;">sēmilibella </i><span style="color: #211d1e; font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">to</span><i style="color: #211d1e; font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"> simbella </i><span style="color: #211d1e; font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">is probably irrecoverable.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="color: windowtext;">This is presumably the same rule that raises </span><i style="color: windowtext;">o</i><span style="color: windowtext;"> to </span><i style="color: windowtext;">u</i><span style="color: windowtext;"> in the same environment. See p. 151.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Exceptions: <i>Septembris</i>, <i>Nouembris</i> and <i>Decembris</i> are modeled on the corresponding cardinals. The expected form <span style="font-variant-caps: small-caps; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal;">novimbr(es)</span> is recorded on the <i>Feriale Cumanum</i> for October 18<sup>th</sup> (CIL 10.3682). The loanword <i>lembus</i> ‘small fast sailboat’ from Gk. <span lang="EL">λ</span><span lang="EL">έ</span><span lang="EL">μβ</span><span lang="EL">ος</span>, though attested in Plautus, arrived too late to undergo the change. The word <i>stlembus</i> attributed to Lucilius in Paul. Fest. p. 413L <i>(stlembus grauis tardus sicut Lucilius </i>(1109)<i> pedibus stlembum dixit equum pigrum et tardum </i>“<i>stlembus</i> means heavy, slow as for example, Lucilius called a slow and lazy horse <i>stlembus</i> of foot.”) is dialectal or iconic. An unexplained exception is <i>membrum</i>. Given the relative recentness of the sound change—to judge from <i>lembus</i> it was either not common to all dialects or recent enough that pre-sound change forms were recorded in writing— it is unlikely that the etymological source of the <i>b</i> from *<i>s</i> played any role. Perhaps at the relevant time the ancestor of <i>membrum</i> was still *<i>mẽbrom</i>.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Some scholars believe this raising also happened before <i>mp</i>, but the only positive evidence for this extension is <i>simplex </i>‘simple’ and <i>simplus</i> ‘the simple sum’, which may owe their initial vowel to <i>singulus </i>‘single’ or to the generalization of the variant <i>sim- </i>also seen in<i> simul </i>‘together’,<i> similis </i>‘similar’. The form <i>simpuvium</i> ‘sacrificial ladle’ ~ <i>simpulum</i> is probably a loanword of unknown origin. And there are counterexamples: <i>semper </i>‘always’,<i> templum</i> ‘temple’, the gentilic <i>Sempronius,</i> and especially <i>tempus</i> ‘time’ and ‘temple (of the head)’.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">On p. 151 replace C 1 with </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">C. *<i>o</i> > <i>u<o:p></o:p></i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">1. *<i>o</i> > <i>u</i>/__<i>ŋ</i>. This is part of the same raising rule that changed <i>e</i> to <i>i</i> in the same environment. See p. 148<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">*<i>o</i><i>ŋg<sup>w</sup></i><i>en</i> ‘ointment’ > <i>unguen</i>, cf. Ved. <i>a</i><i>ñ</i><i>j</i><i>í</i>- ‘salve’, OHG <i>ancho</i> ‘butter’.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">*<i>o</i><i>ŋ</i><i>kos</i> ‘hook’ > <i>uncus</i>, cf. Gk. ὄγκος ‘barb’.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">*<i>hom-ke</i>, acc. sg. masc. of demonstrative > <i>ho</i><i>ŋ</i><i>ke</i> (<span style="font-variant-caps: small-caps; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal;">honc</span>, ILLRP 310 3<sup>rd</sup> cent. <span style="font-variant-caps: small-caps; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal;">bce</span>, Rome; <span style="font-variant-caps: small-caps; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal;">honce</span> ILLRP 505, Spoletium, 2nd century <span style="font-variant-caps: small-caps; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal;">bce</span><sup>18</sup>) > <i>hunc</i>.<sup>19<o:p></o:p></sup></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span lang="EL">Gk. ὀγκία </span>‘ounce’ ⟶ Lat. <i>uncia </i><span style="vertical-align: super;">20</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-small;">18. On the date of this inscription, see Vine 1993:289.<o:p><br /></o:p>19. The earliest evidence for <i>u</i> from <i>o</i> in this environment is the form <span style="font-variant-caps: small-caps; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal;">hunc</span> (ILLRP 711, 108-105 <span style="font-variant-caps: small-caps; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal;">bce</span>, Capua), though I’d be surprised if the change was quite that late since the change of <i>e</i> to <i>i </i>in the same environment is attested by 261 <span style="font-variant-caps: small-caps; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal;">bce</span> at the latest. See p. 148. <br />20. See Weiss ftcm. "Latin <i>uncia</i> à la Heron.' Exceptions: <i>tongeō</i> ‘I think’ (Ennius) may be dialectal or archaic. Aelius Stilo (Fest. p. 488 L) attributes the word <i>tongitiō</i><span style="color: windowtext;"> </span>‘thought’ to the Praenestines. <i>longus</i> ‘long’ has no really good explanation. Sommer (1914a:64) suggested that the initial <i>l</i><span style="color: windowtext;"> </span>prevented the raising. The rule does not apply across a prefix boundary, e.g. <i>con-gerō</i><span style="color: red;"> </span><span style="color: windowtext;">‘I bring together’.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="color: windowtext;">And split C 3 into C 3 and 4 as below:</span></span></div>
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<span style="color: windowtext;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">3. *<i>o</i> > <i>u</i>/__<i>mb</i><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="color: windowtext;">*<i>h<sub>3</sub>n̥b<sup>h</sup>-Vl-</i> > *<i>omb-Vl-īkos</i> > <i>umbilīcus</i> ‘navel’, cf. Gk. </span><span style="color: windowtext;">ὀ</span><span style="color: windowtext;">μφαλ</span><span style="color: windowtext;">ός</span><span style="color: windowtext;">.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: windowtext;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">*<i>h<sub>3</sub>n̥b<sup>h</sup>-on-</i> > *<i>ombō</i> > <i>umbō</i> ‘boss (of a shield)’<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="color: windowtext;">*<i>ombroi̯ </i>(the name of the Umbrians) > <i>Umbrī</i>, cf. SP<i> </i><b>ombriíen</b><i> ‘</i>Umbrian’ loc. sg. plus postposition -<i>en </i>(CH 2), Gk. Ὀμβρικοί (Hdt. +). Cf. also the gentilic Ombrius (CIL 6.6553), etc. </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="color: windowtext;">This is presumably the same rule that raises <i>e</i> to <i>i</i> in the same environment. See p. 148. The earliest epigraphical evidence for this change is the gentilic <span style="font-variant-caps: small-caps; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal;">vmbonivs</span> (Lilybaeum, present-day Marsala, ca. 250-200 <span style="font-variant-caps: small-caps; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal;">bce</span>, AE 1997:737), assuming that it is a derivative of <i>umbō</i>.</span> The rule does not apply across a prefix boundary, e.g. <i>comburō</i><span style="color: red;"> </span><span style="color: windowtext;">‘I burn’.</span></span></div>
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<span style="color: windowtext;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">4. *<i>o</i> > <i>u</i>/__.<i>m </i>or perhaps *<i>o</i> > <i>u</i>/__<i>ma </i>according to Höfler 2018<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: windowtext;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">*<i>omVso</i>- ‘shoulder’ > <i>umerus</i>, cf. Umb. <i>onse</i> (VIb 50), </span></span><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="color: windowtext; font-size: 10pt;">Hesych.</span><span style="color: windowtext; font-size: 11pt;"> </span><span lang="EL" style="color: windowtext; font-size: 11pt;">ἀ</span><span style="color: windowtext; font-size: 11pt;">μέσω· ὠμοπλάται ‘shoulder blades</span><span lang="EL" style="color: windowtext; font-size: 11pt;">᾽ perhaps for *<i>emasō</i>, </span><span style="color: windowtext;">Ved. </span><i style="color: windowtext;">áṃsa</i><span style="color: windowtext;">-.</span></span></div>
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<span style="color: windowtext;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">*<i>homo</i>- ‘earth’ > <i>humus</i>, cf. Umb. <i>hondra</i> (VIa 15, etc.) ‘below’.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="color: windowtext;">Gk. </span><span style="color: windowtext;">νο</span><span style="color: windowtext;">μ</span><span style="color: windowtext;">ά</span><span style="color: windowtext;">δα ‘nomad’ acc. sg. >> <i>Numidae</i> (a nomadic people of North Africa).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: windowtext;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Perhaps *<i>komVsa</i> ‘vessel, bin’ > <i>cumera</i>, if to be compared to Ved. <i>camasá</i>- ‘sacrificial vessel’<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: windowtext;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">But not in <i>domus </i>‘house’, <i>homō</i> ‘human’<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: windowtext;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">[Eliminate the discussion <i>omnis</i> and <i>somnus</i> because they would not be expected to fall under the newly specified rules 3 and 4 so nothing needs to be said about their relative chronology]<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="color: windowtext;">A number of apparent exceptions—depending on the correct formulation—arose too late to be affected by this change, e.g. <i>uomō</i> ‘I vomit’< *<i>u̯emō</i>, <i>glomus</i> < *<i>glemos</i>.</span><span style="color: windowtext;">21</span><span style="color: windowtext;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">The condition environment is unclear. Höfler 2018 suggests that the raising took place when the pre-weakening vowel of the second syllable was <i>a</i>. He explains <i>humus</i> as backformed from the loc. <i>humī</i> which in turn continues an allative *<i>homai</i>, <i>umerus</i> from *<i>emasos</i>. See Nishimura 2018 for a different explanation.</span></div>
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<span style="color: windowtext;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Höfler, Stefan. 2018 "A look over Lat. <i>umerus</i> 'shoulder'." In <i>Proceedings of the 29th Annual</i></span></span><i style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif;"><span style="color: windowtext;">UCIA Indo-Eutropean Conference</span></i><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">, ed. David Goldstein, Stephanie W. Jamison, and Brent Vine. Bremen: Hempen, 129–46.</span></div>
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Michael Weisshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00296754758111928693noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6772880088478626099.post-67131905204048232162020-04-14T15:48:00.002-07:002020-04-14T15:48:50.697-07:00Initial *gw before o<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<br /><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">I didn't give an example of the outcome of initial *<i>g<sup>w</sup></i> before an <i>o</i> even though there is an excellent example that shows that there was no delabialization of the labiovelar in this environment. The reflex was *<i>u̯</i>, as is the default. This example should be added to p. 87 B after *<i>g<sup>w</sup>eru</i>.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">*<i>g<sup>w</sup>oro/ā</i>- (← *<i>g<sup>w</sup>erh<sub>3</sub>-</i> ‘swallow’) > <i>uorā</i>- in <i>uorāx</i> ‘ravenous’ and <i>uorat</i> ‘swallows ravenously’, cf. Gk. βορός ‘gluttonous’, <span lang="EL">β</span><span lang="EL">ορ</span><span lang="EL">ά </span>‘food’, Ved. <i>giráti</i> ‘devours’</span></div>
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Michael Weisshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00296754758111928693noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6772880088478626099.post-23027578439998998442020-03-12T11:46:00.000-07:002020-03-12T11:46:28.441-07:00The taurus problem<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiwA_sEvmyvJu9T8ABnn6JEC1UXOUPCdvkIPVPxURoFN5XSahyJtHPy46oZhC8SgmIA5t02zYOEehKnaW2SYHen816fk7j_n9wK6-Lxr_9yRMk0qdEklgUzoHm-MikfI-C6Sa3TCpJpeDE/s1600/Bull-jumps-7-foot-fence-to-escape-auction-in-Ontario.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="646" data-original-width="970" height="266" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiwA_sEvmyvJu9T8ABnn6JEC1UXOUPCdvkIPVPxURoFN5XSahyJtHPy46oZhC8SgmIA5t02zYOEehKnaW2SYHen816fk7j_n9wK6-Lxr_9yRMk0qdEklgUzoHm-MikfI-C6Sa3TCpJpeDE/s400/Bull-jumps-7-foot-fence-to-escape-auction-in-Ontario.jpg" width="400" /></a></div>
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<b><span style="color: #211d1e; font-size: 11pt;">p. 113<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="color: #211d1e; font-size: 11pt;">Remove <i>taurus</i> example from main text. and add fn.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<i><span style="color: #211d1e;">taurus</span></i><span style="color: #211d1e;"> ‘bull’ would be a good example of *<i>au̯</i> since its cognates definitely reflect that diphthong (Gk. </span><span lang="EL" style="color: #211d1e; font-family: BosporosU;">τα</span><span lang="EL" style="color: #211d1e; font-family: BosporosU;">ῦρ</span><span lang="EL" style="color: #211d1e; font-family: BosporosU;">ος</span><span lang="EL" style="color: #211d1e;">, Alb. <i>ter</i>, </span><span style="color: #211d1e;">OCS <i>turŭ </i>‘aurochs’ SCr. <i>tȗr</i> ‘bull’, Lith. <i>taũras </i>‘aurochs’, OPr.<i> tauris </i>‘bison’, Lusit. taurom (Cabeço das Fráguas)),</span><span style="color: #211d1e;"> and in fact the Balto-Slavic intonations make it probable that the word has an <i>au̯</i> of non laryngeal origin. But <i>taurus</i> contravenes another Latin sound change namely that <i>*-Vu̯RV</i>- metathesizes to -<i>VRu̯V-</i> (see p. xxx). It is probable therefore that <i>taurus,</i> like <i>bōs,</i> is a Sabellic loanword. The word is attested in both Osc. </span><span lang="EL" style="color: #211d1e; font-family: BosporosU;">ταυρομ</span><span lang="EL" style="color: #211d1e;"> </span><span class="A01" style="color: #19161a;"><i><span lang="EL"> </span></i></span><span class="A01" style="color: #19161a;">(</span><span class="A01" style="color: #19161a;">Lu 25 = <i>ImIt Vibo </i>2) </span><span style="color: #211d1e;">and Umb. <i>toru</i> acc. pl. (VIb 43) and well represented in Sabellic place names like <span style="font-variant-caps: small-caps; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal;">Taurasia</span> (mentioned as a place in Samnium in the epitaph of Scipio Barbatus), and <i>Taurania</i> (present-day Pagani, Salerno).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #211d1e;">See Poccetti 2014:347.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #211d1e;">Pocetti, Paolo. 2014. “L’ ‘identità variabile’ dell’Italia preromana: tradizioni, ideologie e loro riflessi moderni.” In <i>Da Italìa a Italia. Le radici di un’identità. Atti del cinquantunesimo convegno di studi sulla Magna Grecia</i>, 321–59.</span><span class="A3" style="color: #19161a; font-family: "Trajan Pro", serif;"><span style="font-family: "Charis SIL";"> Taranto: Istituto per la Storia e l’Archeologia della Magna Grecia.</span></span><i><span style="color: #211d1e;"><o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
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<b><span style="color: #211d1e;">p. 170</span></b><span style="color: #211d1e;"> Replace B with:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #211d1e;">Lat. <i>taurus</i> ‘bull’ does not undergo this sound change and give the expected †<i>taruus</i>. Therefore <i>taurus</i> probably is a loanword, perhaps from Sabellic *<i>tauros. </i>See p. xxx.</span><span style="color: #211d1e; font-size: 11pt;"> </span><span style="color: windowtext; font-size: 10pt;">Interestingly the Celtic cognates </span><i style="color: windowtext; font-size: 10pt;">do </i><span style="color: windowtext; font-size: 10pt;">reflect a *</span><i style="color: windowtext; font-size: 10pt;">taru̯os</i><span style="color: windowtext; font-size: 10pt;"> (Gaul. </span><i style="color: windowtext; font-size: 10pt;">taruos</i><span style="color: windowtext; font-size: 10pt;"> a divine name, OIr. </span><i style="color: windowtext; font-size: 10pt;">tarb</i><span style="color: windowtext; font-size: 10pt;"> ‘bull’, MW </span><i style="color: windowtext; font-size: 10pt;">tarw</i><span style="color: windowtext; font-size: 10pt;"> ‘bull’, Celtiberian </span><span style="color: windowtext; font-size: 10pt; font-variant-caps: small-caps; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal;">tarvoduresca (HEp 2001:628)</span><span style="color: windowtext; font-size: 10pt;">, an adjective derived from a town *</span><i style="color: windowtext; font-size: 10pt;">tarvodurom</i><span style="color: windowtext; font-size: 10pt;"> vel sim.). Since there is no parallel sound change in Celtic, the form of this word is usually explained as the result of the influence of the Celtic word for ‘deer’ *</span><i style="color: windowtext; font-size: 10pt;">karu̯os</i><span style="color: windowtext; font-size: 10pt;"> (MW </span><i style="color: windowtext; font-size: 10pt;">carw</i><span style="color: windowtext; font-size: 10pt;"> etc.)</span></div>
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Michael Weisshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00296754758111928693noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6772880088478626099.post-89399047397751475822020-03-12T11:29:00.000-07:002020-03-12T11:29:00.551-07:00Second Edition Now Available! <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">You can purchase the expanded and corrected 2nd edition (2020) at<a href="http://www.beechstave.com/"> Beech Stave Press</a> for 85$. It's bigger, it's better. The cover image is J. M. Turner's painting of the Lago di Nemi.</span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjXhwuLfleEuEgdmooCZgm-2oUsRSMc0eDw5XzoUnaVcNmdvEjBgmd0yAUW7YmUIYbD82L7owSgUWFHEBxNmYYyvINcNg3Rm9dhr-WsDzKRO3XHsmpcLstxL6pIa7Q_NiK3HnaXVJeXnUA/s1600/Panoramica_del_Lago_di_Nemi.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="239" data-original-width="500" height="152" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjXhwuLfleEuEgdmooCZgm-2oUsRSMc0eDw5XzoUnaVcNmdvEjBgmd0yAUW7YmUIYbD82L7owSgUWFHEBxNmYYyvINcNg3Rm9dhr-WsDzKRO3XHsmpcLstxL6pIa7Q_NiK3HnaXVJeXnUA/s320/Panoramica_del_Lago_di_Nemi.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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Michael Weisshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00296754758111928693noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6772880088478626099.post-74573866640755086072014-02-17T07:56:00.001-08:002014-02-17T07:56:26.426-08:00Addenda to pp. 15, 503<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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To the basic references for Latin on pg. 15, n. 34 add Willms 2013. This book covers the historical phonology and morphology of Greek and Latin, but also has a good sketch of ancient grammatical theory, an overview of some modern approaches to Linguistics, external histories of Greek and Latin, chapters on the later histories of Greek and the Romance languages and on the influence of Latin and Romance on German and English.</div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">To the resources for Vulgar Latin on pg. 503 add Adams 2013, although that categorization hardly does justice to Adams's latest <i>magnum opus</i>.</span></div>
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Adams, J. N. 2013. <i>Social variation and the Latin language</i>. Cambridge: cambridge University Press.</div>
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<span style="text-align: start;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Willms, Lothar. 2013. <i>Klassische Philologie und Sprachwissenschaft</i>. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht</span></span></div>
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Michael Weisshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00296754758111928693noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6772880088478626099.post-89200309472942335142013-12-08T08:55:00.000-08:002013-12-08T08:55:08.100-08:00Review of Language and Ritual in Sabellic Italy<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">A very long review of my other book, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/Language-Sabellic-Indo-European-Languages-Linguistics/dp/9004177892"><i>Language and Ritual in Sabellic Italy</i></a>, by Gerhard Meiser has just appeared in <i>Kratylos</i> 58 2013:33–46.</span></div>
Michael Weisshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00296754758111928693noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6772880088478626099.post-24196262042367671542013-09-23T12:31:00.000-07:002013-09-23T12:31:08.980-07:00katá ~ cada<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">p. 3. B, 1</b>: The explanation of the
sociolinguistic and historical situation behind Sp. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">cada uno</i> and OFr. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">che(d)un</i>
‘each’ from Gk. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">katá</i> is not correct. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Gk. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">katá</i>
in its distributive sense was borrowed into Latin in the 3<sup>rd</sup> /4<sup>th</sup>
century and appears in the Vulgate (<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">cata
mane mane </i>‘every morning’, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Ez</i>.
46.14) and in the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Peregrinatio Egeriae</i>
(<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">semper cata pascha</i> ‘every
Easter’).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It is not particularly
associated with Southern France—the idiom is also found in Portuguese,
Logudorese, and various forms of Italian—so connection with the Greek of
Massilia is unlikely.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There are,
however, better examples, which make the same point, i.e that linguistic evidence confirms the presence of Greek speakers in Southern France in Antiquity: For example, Occ. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">caliourno</i> ‘mooring line’ from Gk. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">kálōs</i> ‘rope’ and <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">empurar</i> ‘to fan a flame’ from Gk <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">pỹr</i> ‘fire’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Fr. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">dôme </i>‘dome’ borrowed from OOcc. *<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">doma </i>‘cupola’ <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(inferred from modern <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">domo</i>) is from Gk. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">dôma</i>
‘house’, which survives nowhere else in Romance. See Wartburg 1969:18–21 and for <i>dôme</i> Paris 1895.</span></div>
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Paris, G. 1894. “Fr. dôme.” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Romania</i> 24:274–6.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Wartburg, Walter von. 1969. <i>Évolution et structure de la langue française</i>. 9<sup>th</sup> ed.
Bern: Francke.</span><span style="font-family: Charis SIL; font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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Michael Weisshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00296754758111928693noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6772880088478626099.post-26703801983469887572013-09-17T07:32:00.001-07:002013-09-17T07:34:35.651-07:00Shane Hawkins, Studies in the Language of Hipponax<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">A plug for Shane Hawkins, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/Language-Hipponax-Forschungen-Historischen-Sprachwissenschaft/dp/3934106021"><i>Studies in the Language of Hipponax</i>.</a></span></div>
Michael Weisshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00296754758111928693noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6772880088478626099.post-41756790543322912302013-08-27T14:07:00.000-07:002013-08-27T14:07:08.482-07:00Some corrections relating to Italian and its dialects<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br />Roberto Battisti alerts me to some problematic/incorrect citations or arguments relating to some Italian and dialectal Italian forms.<br /><br />p. 130, n. 38: The Italian form <i>giunto</i> is cited as evidence for a long ū before nkC as if from < *<i>iūnktŭm</i>, but this is incorrect. In Florentine Tuscan an *ọ from Lat. *ŭ is raised before an n plus velar, or palatal or before palatal ñ. In the case of giunto, the u probably originates in the present giungere. Cf. Tusc. <i>ungere</i> ~ <i>unto</i>, <i>mungere</i> ~ <i>munto</i>, <i>pungere</i> ~ <i>punto</i>. Southern Tuscan preserves ọ (Senese <i>giọnto</i>). See Rohlfs 1966:91. The best Romance evidence for length before nk are the reflexes of <i>quīn</i>(<i>c</i>)<i>tus</i> which always reflect a long ī: It. <i>quinto</i>, Sp. <i>quinto</i>, OFr. <i>quint</i> 'fifth'.<br /><br />p. 372 n. 44: I wrote “Standard Ital. <i>venti</i> has borrowed the root vowel of <i>trenta</i>, but Sicil. still has <i>vinti</i>.” but Proto-Romance *i and *ẹ merge as i in Sicilian and therefore the Sicilian form does not illustrate the point. For *<i>vīnti</i> in the Italian dialects Cf. Old Senese <i>vinti</i>, and Venetian <i>vinti</i> See Rohlfs 1966:73.<br /><br />p. 507: Add Bolognese <i>amiga</i> to the empty cell in the table illustrating the Northern Italian reflex of Lat. <i>amīca</i>.</span></div>
Michael Weisshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00296754758111928693noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6772880088478626099.post-22377637714246745382013-06-28T11:54:00.001-07:002013-06-28T11:54:45.813-07:002nd edition of OLD<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">On pg. 15, n. 34 and in the abbreviations replace OLD with the 2nd edition of the <i>Oxford Latin Dictionary</i> released in 2012. This edition is now in two volumes for easier handling and the layout and organization of the entries have been somewhat rearranged. The corrigenda have been incorporated. A spot check of the etymological information reveals a disappointingly conservative approach. Nothing appears to have been updated. </span></div>
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Michael Weisshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00296754758111928693noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6772880088478626099.post-52058092418395193732013-06-16T08:45:00.000-07:002013-06-16T08:45:05.497-07:00Addendum p. 426: Survival of Siet<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">On p. 426 I mention that the archaic disyllabic forms <i>siet,</i> etc. are already archaisms in Plautus limited to line-final position. But I should also note that <i>siet</i> does show up rarely in the classical period and beyond. For example the formula <i>quod melius siet populo Romano Quiritibus </i>occurs several times in the <i>Commentarii</i> of the <i>Ludi Saeculares</i> in the years 17 (CIL 6.877 in the Hymn to Moerae) and 204 (CIL 6.32329 in the Hymn to Juno) and in Hymn to Terra Mater (<i>AE</i> 1935:26)<span style="font-size: 15px;">. Since this clause is a recycled prayer formula the survival of the archaism <i>siet</i> is not too surprising, but a recently discovered curse tablet from Peñaflor dating to the second half of the 1st century BCE also has the form <i>siet</i>. See. A.U. Stylow. 2012. "Stumm wie ein Frosch ohne Zunge! </span></span><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 15px;">Eine neue Fluchtafel aus Celti (Peñaflor, Pro. Sevilla)" <i>ZPE </i>181:149-155.</span></div>
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Michael Weisshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00296754758111928693noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6772880088478626099.post-32468453959644575712013-06-11T04:43:00.000-07:002013-06-11T04:43:30.342-07:00Review of Imagines Italicae<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The BMCR review of <i>Imagines Italicae</i> by me and Benjamin Fortson is now <a href="http://bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2013/2013-06-17.html">online</a>. The blog version has supplements posted in the comment section.</span></div>
Michael Weisshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00296754758111928693noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6772880088478626099.post-14303709885714375942013-05-30T05:52:00.000-07:002013-05-30T05:53:11.386-07:00Two projects of interest<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">To the bibliography for etymological dictionaries on p. 503 add a reference to the new project for a revised etymological dictionary of Romance, <a href="http://stella.atilf.fr/scripts/DERom.exe?CRITERE=PRESENTATION;MENU=menu_base;OUVRIR_MENU=MENU_BASE;s=s0d4815b0;ISIS=isis_DERom.txt;s=s0d4815b0;;ISIS=isis_DERom.txt"><i>Dictionnaire étymologique roman</i></a>, of which some 72 sample entries already exist.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">To the bibliography for Latin dictionaries on p. 15, n. 34 add a mention of the <i style="background-color: #fefefe; text-align: justify;"><a href="http://www.linglat.paris-sorbonne.fr/">Dictionnaire historique et encyclopédie linguistique du latin</a></i> a new project under the direction of Prof. Michèle Fruyt.</span><br />
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Michael Weisshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00296754758111928693noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6772880088478626099.post-65754243167947261122013-05-20T11:49:00.000-07:002013-05-20T11:50:00.916-07:00Summary of Addenda<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
I've finally drawn up a summary sheet of all the addenda posted here and a few corrigenda that didn't get corrected in the second printing (based on a list originally maybe by Prof. Kevin Muse). The corrigenda are now arranged by page order. If you'd like a copy of a pdf please email me. </div>
Michael Weisshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00296754758111928693noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6772880088478626099.post-59915639156082805042013-04-23T12:22:00.000-07:002013-04-23T12:22:10.623-07:00Reviews of OHCGL<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">These are the printed reviews of OHCGL known to me:</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">J. Clackson. 2010. <i>BMCR</i> 09.35<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">L Pultrová. 2012. <i>Graecolatina Pragensia</i> 23:153–5.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">H. Bichlmeier. 2012. <i>Das Altertum</i> 57:221–223.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">O. Hackstein. 2012.
<i>Kratylos</i> 57:109–15.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">A. Blanc. 2012. <i> BSL</i>
107.2.</span><span style="font-family: Charis SIL;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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Michael Weisshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00296754758111928693noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6772880088478626099.post-18953880733892134112012-12-22T06:39:00.001-08:002013-04-07T15:27:58.390-07:00Multi Nominis Grammaticus<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhPIXlFOjj7aCgE2QzpjQ1WLSQlYeBWbQ6t-kjx1djuJ_k_6wakQQ9JGUkCjcfEcD6EhgTAOat8T-oH7jhilF-Gprdk1q2iNUKvBjifoYP2dx3hrvVWlDIMnKOBXTRi09rfGmKukqwUOTk/s1600/Alan+FS+.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhPIXlFOjj7aCgE2QzpjQ1WLSQlYeBWbQ6t-kjx1djuJ_k_6wakQQ9JGUkCjcfEcD6EhgTAOat8T-oH7jhilF-Gprdk1q2iNUKvBjifoYP2dx3hrvVWlDIMnKOBXTRi09rfGmKukqwUOTk/s320/Alan+FS+.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">On December 15th, 2012 we were pleased to present a Festschrift to our teacher, colleague, and friend, Alan Nussbaum, in honor of his 65th birthday. The book is titled <i>Multi Nominis Grammaticus</i> (a quote from Aulus Gellius): <i>Studies in Classical and Indo-European Linguistics in Honor of Alan J. Nussbaum on the Occasion of his Sixty-fifth Birthday</i> and was edited by Adam I. Cooper, Jeremy Rau, and me. It will be published by Beech Stave Press and will be generally available in about 45 days. You can see Alan holding the volume, and from left to right Draga Zec, Craig Melchert, Jay Jasanoff, and Sheila Jasanoff. The presentation was a complete surprise to the honorand. Thanks to all the contributors, my co-editors, and the publishers for helping make this volume a success.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><i>Multi Nominis Grammaticus</i> is now generally available from<a href="http://www.beechstave.com/nux.htm"> Beech Stave Press</a>.</span></div>
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Michael Weisshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00296754758111928693noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6772880088478626099.post-51992673113738954862012-09-17T06:57:00.002-07:002013-04-16T14:18:04.850-07:00Two more corrections, pg. 26 and pg. 159<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Coulter George points out two more mistakes: </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">On pg. 26, fn. 17 I give the Etruscan form transcribed <i>kacriqu</i> as an example of the K/C/Q rule, but the attempt to illustrate the actual Etruscan alphabet is marred by the fact that the 4th letter (reading from right to left) is mistakenly a digamma instead of an iota. You can see a correct rendering of the word in question on pg. 23 of Rex Wallace's <i>Zikh Rasna </i>or online here<i> </i><b style="background-color: white; font-size: 13px;"><a href="http://tinyurl.com/9hpxkeg">http://tinyurl.com/9hpxkeg</a></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">On pg. 159 I give the preform of <i>pessimus</i> as *<i>ped-tm̥mos</i>, but on pg. 359 as *<i>ped-ism̥mos</i>. So which is it? Both reconstructions have been maintained and both can be made to work, but given the comparative <i>peiior</i> < *<i>ped-yos-</i> and given the fact that superlatives are almost always derivatives of the comparative, *<i>ped-ism̥mos</i> with </span><i style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">*-is-</i><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;"> the zero-grade of the comparative suffix is preferable. Sihler 1995:368 opts for *<i>ped-tm̥mo- </i>on the grounds that the<i> -t</i></span><i style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">m̥</i><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>mo-</i> superlatives typically come in antonymic pairs and </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">*<i>ped-tm̥mo- </i>would form the antonym for <i>optimus</i> that is otherwise missing, but it seems to me that the comparative-superlative relationship is a strongly established universal (see J. Bobaljik 2012, </span><i style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Universals in Comparative Morphology</i><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">) whereas the antonymic pattern is a Latin specific fact, and thus I prefer to go with the reconstruction </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">*<i>ped-is</i></span><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>m̥mos.</i></span></div>
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Michael Weisshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00296754758111928693noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6772880088478626099.post-12006048291754871972012-09-12T06:42:00.001-07:002012-09-12T06:42:59.013-07:002nd printing error, pg. 77<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiLQzi1fWsyTKm6QGKmGWKY6GLZ9ZHjCItHOF4_BNghEUA-mJBV6EBIBu4QgoWpQrmX5dXL8FQCpLXm1oeG-x2g9uUGC1k8HhuNUqcRJHL-dqLZPTQgwX2VLiANMKUb3WnoXmS-uMOeyYc/s1600/chariot-team-HS.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiLQzi1fWsyTKm6QGKmGWKY6GLZ9ZHjCItHOF4_BNghEUA-mJBV6EBIBu4QgoWpQrmX5dXL8FQCpLXm1oeG-x2g9uUGC1k8HhuNUqcRJHL-dqLZPTQgwX2VLiANMKUb3WnoXmS-uMOeyYc/s1600/chariot-team-HS.jpeg" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">I don't know how this happened, but Coulter George of the University of Virginia alerts me to an error occurring in the 2nd printing that wasn't in the first! On pg. 77 of the 2nd printing I cite Pamphylian Greek ϝεχετω 'let me bring' as a representative of the Greek cognates of Latin <i>vehō.</i> This is doubly erroneous. First, if the form existed it would, of course, be a 3rd sg. 'let him bring', but as I already noted in an earlier post (<a href="http://ohcgl.blogspot.com/2009/11/another-form-bites-dust.html">http://ohcgl.blogspot.com/2009/11/another-form-bites-dust.html</a>) there is no such form. There are, in fact, Greek cognates of <i>vehō </i>like Cypr. <i>e-we-kse</i> 'brought' and the nominal form (ϝ)ὄχεα 'carriage' (Hom. +). </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Another strange thing about these lines on pg. 77 is that they seem to suggest that Lat. <i>vehitur</i> is a deponent verb. Latin has a perfectly good active <i>vehō '</i>I convey' (Plaut. +) that is the exact match for the active forms cited from the other Indo-European languages. <i>Vehitur</i> is only noteworthy in that it is semantically a tiny bit unexpected.</span></div>
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Michael Weisshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00296754758111928693noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6772880088478626099.post-964676268694149722012-06-01T08:20:00.000-07:002012-06-01T08:20:36.815-07:00Corrigendum, pg. 128, n. 22 (shortening before -r)<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhn5_rQHAQ3_ghUYAcbbXG_q-K_7vWUGjhGY832auhyphenhyphenXOlpkycfppM9oTL7tD_SQMK1d_RkDe8PwVNKg278zLBn9C-0mXaaWXagbaX5NNAiCDfZ3JbiW4gMmB8dYgwfJMiZ7PT0j04qFiI/s1600/ennius-1.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhn5_rQHAQ3_ghUYAcbbXG_q-K_7vWUGjhGY832auhyphenhyphenXOlpkycfppM9oTL7tD_SQMK1d_RkDe8PwVNKg278zLBn9C-0mXaaWXagbaX5NNAiCDfZ3JbiW4gMmB8dYgwfJMiZ7PT0j04qFiI/s1600/ennius-1.jpeg" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">On pg. 128, n. 22 I wrote that the first instance of a shortened vowel before final -<i>r</i> appears in Lucilius, but this is not correct. As Ben Fortson points out, Enn. Ann. 396 Sk has a case of shortened <i>o</i> before final -<i>r</i> in the word <i>sūdor</i>. The line is transmitted as <i>totum sudor habet corpus multumque laborat</i> and the <i>o</i> must scan as the first short of the weak half of the second foot. This shortened vowel is an outlier in Ennius who otherwise preserves original long vowels before final <i>-r</i>, except when other processes (Iambic or Cretic shortening) apply. For this reason Lindsay <i>(Early Latin Verse</i> 1922:125) wanted to transpose <i>sudor</i> and <i>corpus</i> so that the line would read <i>totum corpus habet sudor multumque laborat</i>, but this does not seem justified. So a more accurate statement would be that the first instance of shortening of a long vowel before final -<i>r</i> occurs in Ennius, but that the shortened scansion becomes regular by Lucilius' time. Lucilius has a number of instance of short scansions and no certain instance of the long scansion</span>.</div>
</div>Michael Weisshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00296754758111928693noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6772880088478626099.post-37448081828777613012012-05-10T18:59:00.001-07:002012-05-10T18:59:46.835-07:00Addendum to pg.13, fn. 23<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEipl6KqIw8H8MQiN669pBHG3oBRxLfO_UzMW29bzC0oAu-hxxHy83Hm4r75ROniaP8yw-N9msd86m_SxbfpS-7Q9IekNIlAOQyEadVQbr_NNisq0fHLHYBzNskDP6Y9dMi-Uavb9_RdqyI/s1600/SUPP-110-entry-0071-wp-20.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEipl6KqIw8H8MQiN669pBHG3oBRxLfO_UzMW29bzC0oAu-hxxHy83Hm4r75ROniaP8yw-N9msd86m_SxbfpS-7Q9IekNIlAOQyEadVQbr_NNisq0fHLHYBzNskDP6Y9dMi-Uavb9_RdqyI/s320/SUPP-110-entry-0071-wp-20.jpeg" width="228" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">To the resources for the Sabellic languages add Crawford 2011, which refers to the epoch-making three volume<i> Imagines Italicae</i>, a corpus of almost all the inscriptions in the Italic (i.e. what I call Sabellic) languages—the <i>Tabulae Iguvinae</i> are not included. Most texts are illustrated with a photo and there are many new readings based on autopsy. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Crawford, Michael H. 2011. </span><i style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Imagines italicae: a corpus of Italic inscriptions</i><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">. London: </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Institute of Classical Studies, University of London.</span></div>
</div>Michael Weisshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00296754758111928693noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6772880088478626099.post-32112608899629640342012-05-07T11:53:00.000-07:002012-05-07T11:53:30.522-07:00The earliest notation of geminate consonants, p.29<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">On pg. 29 I wrote "Geminate notation appears for the first time around 250 BCE (COTTAS, ILLRP 1277).". Although this date is the one that Degrassi gave for this inscription from near Corleone in Sicily, following the suggestion of Di Vita's that the Cotta mentioned in this milestone was C. Aurelius Cotta, the consul of 248 BCE, it seems more probably for a number of reasons that the Cotta involved was the consul of 144, L. Aurelius Cotta. This means that the earliest graphically indicated gemination of consonants is HINNAD, from 208 BCE (ILLRP 295).</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">See Keiler, Bernd. 2011. "Zwei Meilensteine des Konsuls Aurelius Cotta." <i>Epigraphica</i> 73:109–16.</span></div>
</div>Michael Weisshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00296754758111928693noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6772880088478626099.post-61025871683072084532012-04-29T07:32:00.000-07:002012-04-29T07:32:38.353-07:00Addendum<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhfPbaiBX5Th0FPbYeGx1BHvb2bARJAkbTuQlsPEA7cVLnVEQe8fBJc1fWY3BxvhYGXh0hY8DuV5DG4w4d_6pCBAIR3Bfqf_2MsTGF-KweccZCukoxOp6t2zeaaOYmDTb8jCj2Uo6M-8zk/s1600/ref=dp_image_0.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="200" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhfPbaiBX5Th0FPbYeGx1BHvb2bARJAkbTuQlsPEA7cVLnVEQe8fBJc1fWY3BxvhYGXh0hY8DuV5DG4w4d_6pCBAIR3Bfqf_2MsTGF-KweccZCukoxOp6t2zeaaOYmDTb8jCj2Uo6M-8zk/s200/ref=dp_image_0.jpeg" width="200" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">To the Basic Latin resources quoted on pg. 15 fn. 34 add Liesner, Malte. 2012. <i>Arbeitsbuch zur lateinischen historischen Phonologie.</i> Wiesbaden: Reichert. This book will be a great complement to my book if you are teaching a class in the historical grammar of Latin and your students know German. It's got great problem sets and exercises and I'm sure that anybody who worked her/his way through this book would have a very solid knowledge of Latin phonology. Since U.S. students almost never know German, you might find it useful to translate some of the exercises for them. </span></div>
</div>Michael Weisshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00296754758111928693noreply@blogger.com0